Denmark. At the New Year, Denmark took over the
Presidency of the EU as the euro crisis dominated European
countryaah, Denmark, which itself is outside the euro co-operation,
sought, among other things, to revitalize EU climate policy.
But the economic crisis hit hard on Denmark's own renewable
energy investment. Vestas, the world's largest producer of
wind turbines, notified several thousand employees during
the year and saw its share price halved. However, the
government's wind power plans were fixed with the goal of
getting Denmark's half energy supply from wind power 2020.
The Social Democrat-led government's proposal for
congestion charges in Copenhagen was delayed by disagreement
in the coalition. Criticism from the public and from the
bourgeois opposition was also harsh, and in February Prime
Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt declared that the idea was
abandoned. Instead, a commitment to cheaper and better
public transport was promised.
The controversial issue of car tariffs contributed to the
government's decline in opinion. In a survey in March, the
opposition party Venstre got 35.6%, which was more than the
three coalition parties Socialdemokraterne (S), Radical
Venstre and Socialist People's Party got together. Support
for Thorning-Schmidt (S) continued to decline, reaching a
record low of 16.8% in June.
But the opposition leader and former Prime Minister Lars
Løkke Rasmussen and his party Venstre were put under
pressure in the so-called tax deal. The question was about
how secret information in a sensitive tax case concerning
Thorning-Schmidt's husband leaked to the press before the
previous election. In August, the government's tax
commission launched an investigation into the deal, and
among the over 40 witnesses called were Løkke Rasmussen and
his former tax minister Troels Lund Poulsen. The latter was
suspected of trying to influence the tax authorities'
actions. The case was also reported to the police, and Lund
Poulsen's former media advisor was prosecuted for having
leaked the confidential information.
In September, Pia Kjaersgaard resigned as leader of the
Danish People's Party after 17 years at the post. For her
successor, the party chose Kristian Thulesen Dahl. Although
Kjaersgaard has been controversial, especially with her
immigration policy, at her departure she was also praised by
opponents as a colorful and committed politician. The
Socialist People's Party also changed its leader when
Foreign Minister Villy Søvndal was succeeded by the party
leader post by Annette Vilhelmsen after fierce factional
battles in the party.
In October, the Labor Movement's Business Council raised
an alarm that the proportion of poor people has increased
almost explosively in certain severely exposed residential
areas. With the OECD's definition, the proportion of poor
residents in three exposed housing areas had increased from
eight to four between 2002 and 2010. The government found
reason to extend its so-called ghetto list of socially
vulnerable housing areas from 28 to 33.
Civil Offensive 1982-93
Around 1980, the Social Democracy had to admit that the
crisis was not only cyclical and short-lived, but of a
longer-lasting nature. At the same time, the crisis revealed
that its traditional Keynesian economic policy was no longer
working. Despite cuts and tight economic policies, the state
had taken out significant loans through the '70's in
confidence that the crisis would be over quickly. But the
crisis continued, debt rose, and so did the discontent and
apostasy of the Social Democracy.
In 1982, the world crisis reached a new high, and the
government Anker Jørgensen therefore surprisingly
voluntarily decided to transfer the government power to the
bourgeois under the leadership of Poul Schlüter. The Social
Democracy had imagined that there would be a brief civil
government in which the right-wing parties came to reveal
their own powerlessness. But the right wing remained in
power for the following 11 years. In particular, the reason
was that the international economic cycles reversed
immediately after the takeover of citizens. In the United
States, President Ronald Reagan led military-Keynesian
politics that boosted the world economy.
In Denmark, the bourgeoisie took advantage of the
favorable economic climate for a massive offensive against
the working class. The 1970's progress in the field of
health and safety was reversed, unemployment benefits and
social benefits eroded. It was part of the foundation for
the rapid polarization of society, where the rich became
richer and the poor poorer. Culturally, the privatization
and commercialization of the mass media took place. Worse,
however, was that considerable individualization took place.
The economic boom kept the bourgeois governments in power,
and at the same time, the Social Democratic political
project, Keynesianism, was in deep crisis. Nor was the Left
able to develop coherent and powerful visions. In the
absence of collective societal projects, individualization
was allowed to develop.
The only significant exception to this trend was the
Easter strikes of 1985, which were triggered after the
government intervened in a major labor market conflict. Up
to 1 million people demonstrated for several days against
the government demanding its departure, but it kept up and
the strike movement ran out into the sand.
The only point where the Social Democracy succeeded in
gaining influence through the 1980's was Denmark's NATO
policy - the so-called footnote policy - where it succeeded
in exploiting the more anti-militaristic attitude of the
radicals to have Danish reservations entered into NATO's
decision to post 572 nuclear missiles in Europe. Similarly,
in 1986, the Party sought to raise opposition to the
government by taking the lead in opposing the development of
the European Union. That year, a referendum was held on the
establishment of the Community's "Internal Market", the next
step towards the Union. But the government won the
vote - the Danes voted yes.
Copenhagen - language
In step with Copenhagen's expansion as a city of trade, education and
administration, the language in the capital became increasingly important for
the whole country. It applied first, ie. from the Reformation, especially
the written language, but since then also the spoken language; virtually all
developments in the pronunciation have recently begun in Copenhagen.
Of course, the Copenhagen language does not directly affect, for example, a
northwestern Jutlandic dialect: the language in the larger provincial towns,
eventually also in the smaller towns and villages, is affected, as the social
differences in the Copenhagen language are continued; the influence does not
manifest itself in every respect the same in the lawyer and the dock worker.
A dialect society is defined by geographical, not by social boundaries. All
the way to the 1700's, has the spoken language also in Copenhagen been more or
less the same among high and low, though with certain obvious differences in
vocabulary; it has been closely related to the surrounding (Zealand and Scanian)
Øresund dialects. But during the 1700's, the higher layers rejected a number of
pronunciations which the lower layers maintained: eg kyd 'meat', gek 'went', shot 'shot', bends 'books', kerregård 'cemetery', kessebær 'cherry', gore 'did', down 'down', drone 'drown', seve 'soap' etc.
I 1800-t. used authors as JL Heiberg and Chr. Hostrup such traits socially
characteristic; In 1841 Heiberg compiled a list of "Language Errors in the
People of the Lower Classes".
During the 1800's, the social differences became so extensive that one can
speak of two sociolects. A number of changes in the pronunciation occurred
time-shifted in the higher and lower strata. The "soft" di leaf, place, out,
etc., which had been limp and j-like, stabilized at the earliest in the higher
layers as ð; but otherwise it is most often the lower layers that lead in the
sound development, eg in terms of a-sounds, both the projection of long "light"
a as in street, subject and of short a as in fall, throw, the
pronunciation of the diphthong in eg me, shark, road and later the
development of a new "dark" ai forward, Greek etc.
During the 1900-t. the sociolects have approached each other. But there are
still clear differences, and the new forms of pronunciation are often regarded
with reluctance by traditional national speakers, both in and outside
Copenhagen. This applies, for example, to [ɒ] in words like people, come,
[ts] in words like Tivoli, thank you, [rɑ] in forward, killed,
etc. and "maret" much that is perceived as low-social.
Actual dialect boundaries within Copenhagen could not be detected. As the
capital and by its size, Copenhagen has acquired a linguistic special status. In
periods, especially 1850-1950, the pronunciation of the Royal Theater has been
perceived by many as the very standard of the national language, and State
Radio emphasized from the beginning that its language should be similarly
exemplary; later the norms have become less fixed and radio and television
broadcasts are broadcast from other regions. However, the electronic media have
not been of decisive importance for the spread of Copenhagen.